Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)

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Martin Or l'affection de la chair est la mort; mais l'affection de l'Esprit est la vie et la paix. Modernized Aber fleischlich gesinnet sein ist der Tod, und geistlich gesinnet sein ist Leben und Friede. Luther Aber fleischlich gesinnt sein ist der Tod, und geistlich gesinnt sein ist Leben und Friede. Vulgata Clementina Nam prudentia carnis, mors est: Ang Dating Biblia Sapagka't ang kaisipan ng laman ay kamatayan; datapuwa't ang kaisipan ng Espiritu ay buhay at kapayapaan. Tauna to hewa toe mporata kamatea to mpogaa' -ra ngkai Alata'ala. Tapi' hema-hema to mpotuku' konoa Inoha' Tomoroli', konoa Inoha' Tomoroli' toe to rapenonoi, pai' -ra mporata katuwua' to lompe' pai' kahintuwuaa' hante Alata'ala.

All early modern and medieval states had ceremonials. Courts were all about ceremony. But courts were also about politics and power as all the actors involved were well aware. On the other hand, it is true that the Emperor had to depend on his own lands — his hereditary lands — for troops and finance. His ability to award titles and to settle territorial disputes gave him some extra influence and prestige, but the fact cannot be escaped that, compared to other monarchs, his executive powers scarcely existed.

None of this influenced western historiography very much except that it provided a spur to more research by economic historians, whose leading lights became Peter Blickle 13 and Thomas Brady Indeed, as Whaley points out vol.

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Cultural and intellectual history has also been researched, with the result that, due to the investigation of Pietism for example, the story we have of German intellectual development no longer skips from the Reformation to the Enlightenment and the Goethezeit. The end result though is still that Germany is seen to have experienced no revolution or nation-state. Early modern historians, however, tend not to see this as abnormal or signifying backwardness, unlike Hans-Ulrich Wehler 15 and his school who see this as definitely constituting a Sonderweg in German history, leading to the warping of German political, social and constitutional development and ultimately to the First World War and Nazism.

Outside France 16 , there has been a resurgence of interest in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire in both Europe and America.

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In Britain the leading authority has been Peter Wilson 17 , whose small book on the subject holds the field. Yet Joachim Whaley has been contributing an enormous number of articles to the specialised literature and now has produced two stout volumes, which should become standard works. How definitive, though, are they likely to prove?

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How does he see the Holy Roman Empire? How does he interpret Austrian and Prussian history —indeed the history of the other German states — in relation to it? Does he have anything essentially new to say in his one and half thousand pages? If so, does he convince?

It has extremely useful notes on terminology and usage, absolutely indispensable ones on maps and on-line resources, a list of abbreviations and two maps. It was these territorial princes, moreover, who first developed regular systems of finance and conscription, even if they lacked the sovereignty of the Emperor, to whom even their meanest subjects could appeal for legal protection over their heads.

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There is not much support for Schmidt here. Meanwhile the territorial states often offered greater legal and social protection to individual subjects than western monarchies. As in the latter, of course, German absolutist princes were often less absolute than they would have liked. This led in turn to a certain German patriotism by the late 18th century: Did this amount to nationalism? Certainly, according to Whaley, the early modern period saw a growing awareness of the Reich as a German Reich, a process reinforced by the wars against Louis XIV and the Turks.

At the end of his introduction, Whaley sums up his view of early modern German history as follows: It is the history of their survival as a legal and cultural community in the face of challenges from the Reformation onwards that might have been expected to destroy any such thing. It is the history of their solidarity in the face of perennial external threats. Not least, it is the history of a central European polity that played a key role in the politics of early modern Europe as a whole.

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Perhaps inevitably a work such as this might seem to emphasise union if not unity. The discussion of general trends will inevitably appear to ignore many of the exceptions to every rule. Yet variety and, at times, the appearance of incoherence, are fundamental to any understanding of early modern German history.

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If Whaley is not quite at one with Schmidt, he is certainly on a different wavelength from Stollberg-Rilinger. He sees the Reich as a continually reforming, diverse but legally ordered polity, rather than some kind of bizarre monstrosity or collective fiction. His two volumes are exceptionally well written and highly nuanced and reflect the latest scholarship. Indeed, they represent a huge personal achievement. However, they are not the last word on the subject and may even come to be seen to represent a sort of sanitised, post-war version of German history reflecting the ethos of the Federal Republic and the European Union.

No one will quibble with the idea that the Reich — certainly in theory, although the practice was very slow — represented an intricate sort of legal unity which sought to protect all its subjects. How far this gave rise to a common patriotism can be argued over. Did Prussians revere the Reich? Whaley really does not examine particularism at all in his survey of German historiography, leaving it rather like Hamlet without the prince.

The history of the Reich during the early modern period is in fact one of German civil wars, i. In the end, the second Confederation of the Rhine brought about the demise of the Reich after which the German states including Austria! Soon — from — the Diet at Regensburg had turned into a permanent congress of delegates dominated by the French ambassador. The German princes, meanwhile, acted independently. They made a separate peace treaty with France after the War of the Spanish Succession and although legally forbidden in to act against the Empire or the Emperor, ignored this provision.

Bavaria backed France in the War of the Spanish Succession. Frederick William, the Great Elector of Brandenburg, signed a secret Close Alliance with France in in return for , livres a year for ten years. In return, the French were to get free passage through Prussian lands and the use of Prussian forts when required. In the light of all this, it is perhaps more convincing, therefore, to see the story of the Reich, less as a cumulative process of reform and patriotism than as a cumulative determination of the German princes to betray and undermine it altogether.

Whaley does not seem to see this. Frederick the Great never translated his challenge to the Reich into reality p. If not, he certainly tried hard enough! Frederick attacked the Habsburg Monarchy without warning or excuse and agreed to split it up with France and other states; Joseph had a mutual agreement with the ruler of Bavaria to peacefully swap the Austrian Netherlands — a richer territory than Bavaria — for Bavaria itself, which was to become part of Austria and so strengthen the Reich. However, they will certainly provide a standard of scholarship against which all future works will be measured.

Ruppius, Otto 1819-1864

I am most grateful to Professor Sked for his generous appreciation of my work. His review raises a number of important and interesting issues and poses questions which invite a response. Can any book really claim to be wholly definitive and to provide the last word on its subject? My aim in writing a history of the Holy Roman Empire and its territories during the last three centuries of its existence was to give my understanding of the development of the German lands in the early modern period and to introduce readers to the substantial German scholarship that has been devoted to that subject over the last few decades.

It was once conventional to view the Holy Roman Empire as a worthless institution and early modern German history as a story of conflict and division, characterised by the emergence of authoritarian governments, notably that of Brandenburg-Prussia. My own preoccupation has been with the factors which unified the German territories and which gave many of their inhabitants a sense of identification with the Reich.

I developed my theme at three levels: To be sceptical about teleological views that emphasise the inevitability of the emergence of the nation state or that view all German history as leading to Hitler, does not commit one to a new teleological view of German history which culminates in the Berlin Republic.

Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition) Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)
Romans Geister. Roman (German Edition)

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